IMMIGRATION PUSH AND PULL FACTORS:
Push Factors:
Push factors in Southern Europe are ones motivated by loss of social, economic, and political safety for their respective citizens. The economic crisis led to citizens leaving countries like Greece and Portugal due to a lack of economic insecurity fueled by low salaries unemployment and poverty. The 2013 Migration Outlook, published by the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), revealed that migration within the European Union has risen by 15 percent since the onset of the economic crisis. The trend of people leaving countries hardest hit by the crisis is accelerating, up by 45 percent from 2009 to 2011. In the Kosovo Crisis of 1998, Albania struggled politically while standard of life deteriorated, creating the ability for 100,000 Albanians to leave as emigrants. The religious restrictions and lack of religion freedom can also cause conflicts and arguments.
Push factors in Southern Europe are ones motivated by loss of social, economic, and political safety for their respective citizens. The economic crisis led to citizens leaving countries like Greece and Portugal due to a lack of economic insecurity fueled by low salaries unemployment and poverty. The 2013 Migration Outlook, published by the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), revealed that migration within the European Union has risen by 15 percent since the onset of the economic crisis. The trend of people leaving countries hardest hit by the crisis is accelerating, up by 45 percent from 2009 to 2011. In the Kosovo Crisis of 1998, Albania struggled politically while standard of life deteriorated, creating the ability for 100,000 Albanians to leave as emigrants. The religious restrictions and lack of religion freedom can also cause conflicts and arguments.
Pull Factors:
Pull Factors in Southern Europe are motivated by social, economic, and political reasons, as applicable to inviduals leaving countries less developed or less stable than the Southern Europe, specifically countries from Africa, Middle East and Eastern Europe. Many come to Southern Europe in hopes of obtaining goods and wealth. Some come for freedom from persecution and freedom of religion. Job opportunities, economic stability and good societies prompt many refugees to come to Southern Europe for economic prosperity, or as a temporary place towards their final destinations in Western Europe.
Pull Factors in Southern Europe are motivated by social, economic, and political reasons, as applicable to inviduals leaving countries less developed or less stable than the Southern Europe, specifically countries from Africa, Middle East and Eastern Europe. Many come to Southern Europe in hopes of obtaining goods and wealth. Some come for freedom from persecution and freedom of religion. Job opportunities, economic stability and good societies prompt many refugees to come to Southern Europe for economic prosperity, or as a temporary place towards their final destinations in Western Europe.
PUSH AND PULL FACTORS AND IMMIGRATION CONSIDERATIONS FOR EACH COUNTRY:
Albania
So far, the Albanian migration towards the EU has been described as mainly characterized by two big flows, the one dating at the beginnings of 1991 and the second one in 1997 accompanied by a steady flux through the years. Instead, it can be argued that there is a third wave that did not reflect the dimensions of the first two but which imparted the important message that Albania was still unstable and economically insecure and migration flows were likely to continue if not properly managed. This happened during the Kosovo crisis in 1998-1999 and, per different sources, led some 100,000 Albanians leaving the country (Kule et al., 2002). Among the repercussions of the Kosovo crisis for Albania was the way it facilitated migration to EU countries (mainly through Italy, as a means for reaching the UK, Germany, and Belgium). Presenting themselves as Kosovars, Albanians sought asylum in several EU member states. This situation was made easier by the lack of identification documents for displaced Kosovars and by their common language. This movement was known as a “silent movement” as the Albanian authorities were much more concerned about recovering from the events of 1997 and continuing the reforms, than about handling the displacement of the Kosovo population and their own nationals.
Albania’s international migration can be examined by the core push and pull factors that characterize the phenomenon. In his 2004 article, Barjaba identifies unemployment and poverty as the primary push factors influencing decisions and migratory experiences. Other push factors offered by the existing literature include poor living conditions, lack of individual safety and political safety (De Sotto et al., 2002; Hope, 2006). Conversely, hope for a better future and prospects in host countries are key pull factors influencing international migratory experiences. The prospects sought range from education, employment, to overall quality of living for the individual migrant and his or her family (King & Vullnetari, 2003; Barjaba, 2004).
Greece, Italy, and other European countries were the main destinations during 1992-1995. An earlier preference for Germany, Switzerland, and other Western European countries has become less pronounced due to their trend towards increasingly restrictive migration policies. The U.S. and Canada emerged as relevant destination countries after 1995.
http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/albania-looking-beyond-borders
So far, the Albanian migration towards the EU has been described as mainly characterized by two big flows, the one dating at the beginnings of 1991 and the second one in 1997 accompanied by a steady flux through the years. Instead, it can be argued that there is a third wave that did not reflect the dimensions of the first two but which imparted the important message that Albania was still unstable and economically insecure and migration flows were likely to continue if not properly managed. This happened during the Kosovo crisis in 1998-1999 and, per different sources, led some 100,000 Albanians leaving the country (Kule et al., 2002). Among the repercussions of the Kosovo crisis for Albania was the way it facilitated migration to EU countries (mainly through Italy, as a means for reaching the UK, Germany, and Belgium). Presenting themselves as Kosovars, Albanians sought asylum in several EU member states. This situation was made easier by the lack of identification documents for displaced Kosovars and by their common language. This movement was known as a “silent movement” as the Albanian authorities were much more concerned about recovering from the events of 1997 and continuing the reforms, than about handling the displacement of the Kosovo population and their own nationals.
Albania’s international migration can be examined by the core push and pull factors that characterize the phenomenon. In his 2004 article, Barjaba identifies unemployment and poverty as the primary push factors influencing decisions and migratory experiences. Other push factors offered by the existing literature include poor living conditions, lack of individual safety and political safety (De Sotto et al., 2002; Hope, 2006). Conversely, hope for a better future and prospects in host countries are key pull factors influencing international migratory experiences. The prospects sought range from education, employment, to overall quality of living for the individual migrant and his or her family (King & Vullnetari, 2003; Barjaba, 2004).
Greece, Italy, and other European countries were the main destinations during 1992-1995. An earlier preference for Germany, Switzerland, and other Western European countries has become less pronounced due to their trend towards increasingly restrictive migration policies. The U.S. and Canada emerged as relevant destination countries after 1995.
http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/albania-looking-beyond-borders
Bosnia and Herzegovina
The main reason of the Bosnian Migration in the 1990’s was a cultural push and pull factors due to the civil war and the political warfare of the dividing government of Yugoslavia which used to contain countries such as Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Slovenia, Macedonia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main push factor was the Civil War Dividing of Yugoslavia. The main pull factor was the hope for freedom from war to help provide a better and safer life for themselves and their families. Following what the Ravenstein's migration laws state, most long distance migrants will migrate to urban areas where most of the people in the area have the same religion or origin of country. As a result, most Bosnian immigrants moved to areas in the Northern and Midwestern parts of the U.SA such as Chicago, Pennsylvanian and New York.
https://prezi.com/cn7bqymfc6sq/bosnian-migration-in-the-1990s/
The main reason of the Bosnian Migration in the 1990’s was a cultural push and pull factors due to the civil war and the political warfare of the dividing government of Yugoslavia which used to contain countries such as Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Slovenia, Macedonia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main push factor was the Civil War Dividing of Yugoslavia. The main pull factor was the hope for freedom from war to help provide a better and safer life for themselves and their families. Following what the Ravenstein's migration laws state, most long distance migrants will migrate to urban areas where most of the people in the area have the same religion or origin of country. As a result, most Bosnian immigrants moved to areas in the Northern and Midwestern parts of the U.SA such as Chicago, Pennsylvanian and New York.
https://prezi.com/cn7bqymfc6sq/bosnian-migration-in-the-1990s/
Croatia
Push Factors applicable to Croatia:
-Although Croatia is neither a rich nor poor country, many homes in the inner towns and cities of Croatia are small, broken, and sometimes not healthy or a safe living space. This could easily effect whether or not people want to continue living there.
- Inner towns and cities are very cold in the winter.
- Croatia is very big to tourists, so gets busy and crowded at times.
- Most people living in Croatia are very religious, which could cause conflicts and arguments.
Pull Factors applicable for Croatia:
- Weather in Croatia is very nice near the coast, which draws people to live there. Near the coast the winters are very mild.
- Croatia is an extremely beautiful country and the lovely scenery is part of the reason why people are immigrating there.
- Many job opportunities, working in marina's, stores, restaurants, or even starting your own business.
- Many famous tourist attractions in cities.
- Very religious people, and places resided in Croatia. (Mostly Catholic)
- The people, Croats are very kind and proud.
http://www.chatt.hdsb.ca/~1stoddarttri/FOV1-00157757/?OpenItemURL=S13282F68
In Croatia , the population is ageing, in contrast to the perpetual rejuvenation of overseas Croatian communities. From 1947 until 1971 over 150,000 came to Australia from Yugoslavia, the majority of whom were Croats (Sherington, "Australia's Immigrants"). During the 1970s until the late 1980s the exodus continued with between 2000 and 5000 arrivals annually from Yugoslavia, the majority of whom were Croats (L.Paric 'The Australian People', 2001). Since 1990 approximately a quarter of a million Croats have left their homeland. Estimates included from the top ten UNHCR refugee destinations only:
Australia: 20,000
Canada: 35,000
New Zealand: 10,000
USA: 70,000
Sweden: 70,000
Europe: 50,000
Push Factors applicable to Croatia:
-Although Croatia is neither a rich nor poor country, many homes in the inner towns and cities of Croatia are small, broken, and sometimes not healthy or a safe living space. This could easily effect whether or not people want to continue living there.
- Inner towns and cities are very cold in the winter.
- Croatia is very big to tourists, so gets busy and crowded at times.
- Most people living in Croatia are very religious, which could cause conflicts and arguments.
Pull Factors applicable for Croatia:
- Weather in Croatia is very nice near the coast, which draws people to live there. Near the coast the winters are very mild.
- Croatia is an extremely beautiful country and the lovely scenery is part of the reason why people are immigrating there.
- Many job opportunities, working in marina's, stores, restaurants, or even starting your own business.
- Many famous tourist attractions in cities.
- Very religious people, and places resided in Croatia. (Mostly Catholic)
- The people, Croats are very kind and proud.
http://www.chatt.hdsb.ca/~1stoddarttri/FOV1-00157757/?OpenItemURL=S13282F68
In Croatia , the population is ageing, in contrast to the perpetual rejuvenation of overseas Croatian communities. From 1947 until 1971 over 150,000 came to Australia from Yugoslavia, the majority of whom were Croats (Sherington, "Australia's Immigrants"). During the 1970s until the late 1980s the exodus continued with between 2000 and 5000 arrivals annually from Yugoslavia, the majority of whom were Croats (L.Paric 'The Australian People', 2001). Since 1990 approximately a quarter of a million Croats have left their homeland. Estimates included from the top ten UNHCR refugee destinations only:
Australia: 20,000
Canada: 35,000
New Zealand: 10,000
USA: 70,000
Sweden: 70,000
Europe: 50,000
Greece
Pull Factors (why people want to come to Greece)
Profile of Greek immigrants to USA
Country of origin: Greece
Primary language: Greek
Primary regions of U.S. settlement: East Coast states, Midwest
Earliest significant arrivals: 1824
Peak immigration periods: 1900-1917, 1970’s
Twenty-first century legal residents*: 7,429 (929 per year)
*Immigrants who obtained legal permanent resident status in the United States.
Source: Department of Homeland Security, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, 2008.
Source: Department of Homeland Security, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, 2008. Figures include only immigrants who obtained legal permanent resident status. Records for 1820-1879 show only 375 immigrants from Greece:
Pull Factors (why people want to come to Greece)
- Greece has an aging population, meaning that the younger generations are having fewer kids. Greece could benefit from an influx of young workers.
- Greece is a member of the European Union, and has steady growth rates. This makes living in Greece convenient and comfortable.
- Workers might be attracted by the wages they could potentially earn doing a job in Greece.
- They are likely to earn a higher salary than in their current country of residence, even if they had the same exact job in both countries.
- Immigrants to Greece may be fleeing from political turmoil in their native countries, such as the Balkan Wars and the lack of government structure in Somalia.
- Going along with the previous point, some immigrants may want political asylum in Greece. In their own country, they might have faced oppression because of their ethnic background. Such is the case for Kurdish Iraqis, who faced a lot of problems under Saddam Hussein's regime.
- Often, there are not enough jobs available in the workers' native countries
Profile of Greek immigrants to USA
Country of origin: Greece
Primary language: Greek
Primary regions of U.S. settlement: East Coast states, Midwest
Earliest significant arrivals: 1824
Peak immigration periods: 1900-1917, 1970’s
Twenty-first century legal residents*: 7,429 (929 per year)
*Immigrants who obtained legal permanent resident status in the United States.
Source: Department of Homeland Security, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, 2008.
Source: Department of Homeland Security, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, 2008. Figures include only immigrants who obtained legal permanent resident status. Records for 1820-1879 show only 375 immigrants from Greece:
Italy
http://www.emigration.link/push-pull-factors-italian-migration.htm
Examples of Push and Pull factors of Italian Migration to America:
http://www.emigration.link/push-pull-factors-italian-migration.htm
Examples of Push and Pull factors of Italian Migration to America:
Malta
By the mid-1960s one-sixth of Malta's population had emigrated to Australia. Many have now returned. For most of this century Australia has been 'the land of the future' for a large proportion of the Maltese people. In the recent years, as a base for the Royal Navy guarding the approaches to the Suez Canal, Malta assumed an importance that it would otherwise not have had. The British presence brought prosperity and modernization. With significant improvements to Malta's standard of living and social services, Maltese immigration dwindled to a thousand or so per year by 1980s. And by the 1990s Maltese emigration was negligible and there is now a notable return rate.
http://www.ssasturias.net/story_5.pdf
By the mid-1960s one-sixth of Malta's population had emigrated to Australia. Many have now returned. For most of this century Australia has been 'the land of the future' for a large proportion of the Maltese people. In the recent years, as a base for the Royal Navy guarding the approaches to the Suez Canal, Malta assumed an importance that it would otherwise not have had. The British presence brought prosperity and modernization. With significant improvements to Malta's standard of living and social services, Maltese immigration dwindled to a thousand or so per year by 1980s. And by the 1990s Maltese emigration was negligible and there is now a notable return rate.
http://www.ssasturias.net/story_5.pdf
Montenegro
Throughout the 20th century Montenegro has been a typical emigration area. Poor economic development and large-scale destruction during the wars (World War I and World War II) were the main cause of mass exodus of the population of Montenegro. In the long period of time, Montenegrin communities have been formed around the world. The most important destinations of migrants from Montenegro first were other South Slavic areas, later the other republics of former Yugoslavia, in particularly Serbia.
From 1991 to 2003 there was a significant increase in the number of Montenegrin citizens working abroad (outside the republics of former Yugoslavia). During this period, the number of temporary migrants staying and working abroad more than doubled, increased by 32,000, or over 2.500 per year. It was the most intense increase in the volume of migration as from the mid-1960s and the share of the population abroad in the total Montenegrin population rose from 3.9% to 8.9%. According to the census of 2003, from the total number of Montenegrin citizens abroad, over 57% were individuals who left the country after 1991. During the 1990s, in addition to the traditional receiving countries (USA, Germany, Switzerland), other destination countries have emerged both European and non-European. At the same time, the importance of the USA which were the number one destination for Montenegrin citizens among foreign countries, diminished as shown by the evolution of the proportion of Montenegrin citizens residing or working in the USA in the total number of residing or working individuals abroad (from 53% in 1991 to 36% in 2003). In Germany, which was the second most important receiving country of Montenegrin migration in 1991, the number of Montenegrin citizens magnified 2.5 times, which resulted in an increase of its share in the overall number of Montenegrin citizens abroad, from 20% to 22% over the 1991-2003 period (MONSTAT, 2008). Therefore, the most important destination countries for Montenegrin citizens abroad, according to census data for 2003, were the USA, Germany, Switzerland, Luxembourg, Sweden, France and Italy.
Throughout the 20th century Montenegro has been a typical emigration area. Poor economic development and large-scale destruction during the wars (World War I and World War II) were the main cause of mass exodus of the population of Montenegro. In the long period of time, Montenegrin communities have been formed around the world. The most important destinations of migrants from Montenegro first were other South Slavic areas, later the other republics of former Yugoslavia, in particularly Serbia.
From 1991 to 2003 there was a significant increase in the number of Montenegrin citizens working abroad (outside the republics of former Yugoslavia). During this period, the number of temporary migrants staying and working abroad more than doubled, increased by 32,000, or over 2.500 per year. It was the most intense increase in the volume of migration as from the mid-1960s and the share of the population abroad in the total Montenegrin population rose from 3.9% to 8.9%. According to the census of 2003, from the total number of Montenegrin citizens abroad, over 57% were individuals who left the country after 1991. During the 1990s, in addition to the traditional receiving countries (USA, Germany, Switzerland), other destination countries have emerged both European and non-European. At the same time, the importance of the USA which were the number one destination for Montenegrin citizens among foreign countries, diminished as shown by the evolution of the proportion of Montenegrin citizens residing or working in the USA in the total number of residing or working individuals abroad (from 53% in 1991 to 36% in 2003). In Germany, which was the second most important receiving country of Montenegrin migration in 1991, the number of Montenegrin citizens magnified 2.5 times, which resulted in an increase of its share in the overall number of Montenegrin citizens abroad, from 20% to 22% over the 1991-2003 period (MONSTAT, 2008). Therefore, the most important destination countries for Montenegrin citizens abroad, according to census data for 2003, were the USA, Germany, Switzerland, Luxembourg, Sweden, France and Italy.
Portugal
Due to economic crisis, Portugal is fast losing its appeal as a destination for immigrants from Third World or developing countries looking to find a better life. Almost one in 20 foreigners gave up on Portugal in 2012, with Brazilians, six thousand in total, topping the departure list.
The Office of National Statistics (INE) revealed that Portugal recorded negative population growth. The number of Portuguese national who left their country of birth with no immediate intention of return rose to 51,928 in 2012, while a further 69,460 Portuguese nationals said they intended returning to their country of birth within the space of one year. The total number of inhabitants in Portugal on 31 December 2012 stood at 10,487,289 people, down 55,109 on exactly 12 months earlier.
Meanwhile, the 2013 Migration Outlook, published by the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), revealed that migration within the European Union has risen by 15 percent since the onset of the economic crisis. The trend of people leaving countries hardest hit by the crisis is accelerating, up by 45 percent from 2009 to 2011.The number of Greeks and Spaniards moving to other European Union countries has doubled since 2007, reaching 39,000 and 72,000 respectively. Germany saw a 73 percent increase of Greek immigrants between 2011 and 2012, close to 50 percent for Spanish and Portuguese nationals and 35 percent for Italians.
http://www.theportugalnews.com/news/immigrant-exodus-continues/28725
Due to economic crisis, Portugal is fast losing its appeal as a destination for immigrants from Third World or developing countries looking to find a better life. Almost one in 20 foreigners gave up on Portugal in 2012, with Brazilians, six thousand in total, topping the departure list.
The Office of National Statistics (INE) revealed that Portugal recorded negative population growth. The number of Portuguese national who left their country of birth with no immediate intention of return rose to 51,928 in 2012, while a further 69,460 Portuguese nationals said they intended returning to their country of birth within the space of one year. The total number of inhabitants in Portugal on 31 December 2012 stood at 10,487,289 people, down 55,109 on exactly 12 months earlier.
Meanwhile, the 2013 Migration Outlook, published by the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), revealed that migration within the European Union has risen by 15 percent since the onset of the economic crisis. The trend of people leaving countries hardest hit by the crisis is accelerating, up by 45 percent from 2009 to 2011.The number of Greeks and Spaniards moving to other European Union countries has doubled since 2007, reaching 39,000 and 72,000 respectively. Germany saw a 73 percent increase of Greek immigrants between 2011 and 2012, close to 50 percent for Spanish and Portuguese nationals and 35 percent for Italians.
http://www.theportugalnews.com/news/immigrant-exodus-continues/28725
San Marino
Immigrants come chiefly from Italy; emigration is mainly to Italy, the United States, France, and Belgium. Foreigners who have been resident in San Marino for 30 years can become naturalized citizens. In 1999, the net migration rate was 4.23 migrants per 1,000 population. In 2005, there was an increase to an estimated 10.84 migrants per 1,000 population. In 2000 the number of migrants living in San Marino was 9,000, approximately one-third of the total population. The government views the migration levels as satisfactory.
http://www.encyclopedia.com/places/spain-portugal-italy-greece-and-balkans/italian-political-geography/san-marino
Immigrants come chiefly from Italy; emigration is mainly to Italy, the United States, France, and Belgium. Foreigners who have been resident in San Marino for 30 years can become naturalized citizens. In 1999, the net migration rate was 4.23 migrants per 1,000 population. In 2005, there was an increase to an estimated 10.84 migrants per 1,000 population. In 2000 the number of migrants living in San Marino was 9,000, approximately one-third of the total population. The government views the migration levels as satisfactory.
http://www.encyclopedia.com/places/spain-portugal-italy-greece-and-balkans/italian-political-geography/san-marino
Serbia
Thousands of migrants are still making their way through the Balkans and central Europe, using a network of smuggling gangs who will take them through holes in border fences for as little as £100. Authorities in Hungary and Serbia are turning a blind eye to the human tide that has slowed from a flood to a stream – preferring to let them on their way than hold them in the country. Serbian authorities seem keen that people vacate the country, legally or otherwise. On a dusty road in Kelebija, a Serbian village just south of the Hungarian border, groups of Syrians gather round a table outside a minimarket to charge their mobile phones and weigh decisions: wait in line at the border for an asylum hearing or disappear with a smuggler. A Serbian border officer approaches the table and addresses Ernest, a 32-year-old salesman from Nigeria. “You are a single man. Hungary will not let you in. Why don’t you just cut the fence?” he said, making a scissor snipping action with his fingers. “I am a Christian and by God’s grace, I wait and I will pass. With all due respect sir, you are not God,” the Nigerian replied. The officer spread his arms: “I am a policeman in Serbia - it’s like a god here.”
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/06/13/hungary-and-serbia-turning-a-blind-eye-to-thousands-of-migrants/
Thousands of migrants are still making their way through the Balkans and central Europe, using a network of smuggling gangs who will take them through holes in border fences for as little as £100. Authorities in Hungary and Serbia are turning a blind eye to the human tide that has slowed from a flood to a stream – preferring to let them on their way than hold them in the country. Serbian authorities seem keen that people vacate the country, legally or otherwise. On a dusty road in Kelebija, a Serbian village just south of the Hungarian border, groups of Syrians gather round a table outside a minimarket to charge their mobile phones and weigh decisions: wait in line at the border for an asylum hearing or disappear with a smuggler. A Serbian border officer approaches the table and addresses Ernest, a 32-year-old salesman from Nigeria. “You are a single man. Hungary will not let you in. Why don’t you just cut the fence?” he said, making a scissor snipping action with his fingers. “I am a Christian and by God’s grace, I wait and I will pass. With all due respect sir, you are not God,” the Nigerian replied. The officer spread his arms: “I am a policeman in Serbia - it’s like a god here.”
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/06/13/hungary-and-serbia-turning-a-blind-eye-to-thousands-of-migrants/
Slovenia
Croatia and Slovenia have become the latest countries to impose strict limits on the number of refugees allowed to cross their borders. The two European Union member states announced that no more than 580 refugees and migrants a day would be allowed to enter their territories. Officials say Europe is on the brink of a humanitarian emergency, with hundreds of refugees arriving in Greece each day and most unable to travel north. Greek officials said not one person was allowed to cross Greece’s northern border with Macedonia on Friday, as nearly 5,000 people waited at or near a border crossing. A Macedonian interior ministry official said the reason for the temporary closure was that Serbia, the next country on the Balkan migration corridor, has stopped letting in migrants from Macedonia. The official said late on Friday that Serbia had not admitted any migrants or refugees for the past 40 hours. Only 150 were allowed to cross from Greece to Macedonia on Thursday, according to Greek police figures. Last week Austria imposed a daily limit of 3,200 migrants and said it would accept no more than 80 asylum claims per day.
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/feb/26/croatia-slovenia-limits-refugee-numbers-europe-greece
Croatia and Slovenia have become the latest countries to impose strict limits on the number of refugees allowed to cross their borders. The two European Union member states announced that no more than 580 refugees and migrants a day would be allowed to enter their territories. Officials say Europe is on the brink of a humanitarian emergency, with hundreds of refugees arriving in Greece each day and most unable to travel north. Greek officials said not one person was allowed to cross Greece’s northern border with Macedonia on Friday, as nearly 5,000 people waited at or near a border crossing. A Macedonian interior ministry official said the reason for the temporary closure was that Serbia, the next country on the Balkan migration corridor, has stopped letting in migrants from Macedonia. The official said late on Friday that Serbia had not admitted any migrants or refugees for the past 40 hours. Only 150 were allowed to cross from Greece to Macedonia on Thursday, according to Greek police figures. Last week Austria imposed a daily limit of 3,200 migrants and said it would accept no more than 80 asylum claims per day.
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/feb/26/croatia-slovenia-limits-refugee-numbers-europe-greece
Spain
A "push factor" is an event or reason that causes someone to leave a certain area or country. Some of these factors are listed below.
A "pull factor" is something such as land or freedom that cause someone to want to go somewhere. Some of these Factors are listed below.
A "push factor" is an event or reason that causes someone to leave a certain area or country. Some of these factors are listed below.
- Some of the people left Spain and other countries for religious freedom.
- Immigration increased between 1850 and 1860 because of civil wars in Spain.
- In the early 1900s, immigrants came due to the same circumstances of poverty and urban problems that led other Europeans to emigrate in that period.
- In 1936, a group of prominent liberals immigrated to the U.S. when Dictator Francisco Franco came to power. Two decades of poverty followed the war, and that prompted many Spaniards to immigrate to the U.S or Latin America.
A "pull factor" is something such as land or freedom that cause someone to want to go somewhere. Some of these Factors are listed below.
- Many came to the in hopes of obtaining goods, wealth, land. Some also came for freedom from persecution and freedom of religion.
- Job opportunities and a refuge from the crowded cities of Spain and Latin America made the United States an ideal location for Spanish immigrants.
- Economic stability in the 1960s and good societies prompted many Spaniards to come to America for economic prosperity.
The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
After World War II, the search for employment, opposition to Yugoslav communism, and the devastating 1963 earthquake all prompted emigration. Relatively little migration to the United States took place, first because of the immigration restrictions imposed in the 1920s, and later because migrants from Yugoslavia were not, under Cold War conditions, welcomed in the United States. Canada and Australia, as well as some Western European countries, therefore became more attractive, and realistic, destinations. Emigrants to Canada and Australia, and their descendants, tend to be citizens of those countries (estimates suggest 92 percent of people of Macedonian origin in Australia are Australian citizens, for example). Those who migrated within Europe tend not to be citizens (only 4 percent of people of Macedonian origin in Switzerland are Swiss citizens). Differences in naturalization policy can partially explain these gaps. Little is known about these emigrants—or their total numbers—not least because destination countries used varied categorizations (Macedonians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Serbs, and Yugoslavs) over the decades of geopolitical changes in the Balkans.
To most ethnic Macedonians who headed to North America in the late-19th and early-20th centuries, the United States and Canada were apparently indistinguishable. They went where work was available or to the places where they already had family members or networks. Immigration regulations and employment opportunities alike made Canada more attractive than the United States. Migration of "Macedonians," primarily from Bulgaria and Macedonia to North America in the first two decades of the 20th century, is estimated to have been on the order of 50,000, primarily men. Toronto is home to the largest community in the Macedonian diaspora at between 80,000 and 150,000. In Canada, early-20th century immigration from broader Macedonia is characterized as mainly political, as it followed the unsuccessful 1903 Illinden uprising against the Ottoman Empire. Many Macedonian migrants found industrial work in Toronto (particularly in the metal industries), from which they progressed to ownership of restaurants, grocery stores, and butcher shops.
Macedonian immigration to Australia in the same period was mainly economic. The earliest immigrants, in the late-19th century, sought gold fortunes, with the intention of returning home.
Following World War II, Macedonians, among other Yugoslavs, migrated as guest workers to European countries, particularly to Switzerland and Germany. As states do not offer figures broken down by republic of origin within (former) Yugoslavia, it is impossible to say exactly how many Macedonians migrated. It is known that there are about 55,000 Macedonians in Germany (2005) and about 40,000 in Switzerland (2002) although their ethnicity and actual citizenship are not specified.
Similarly, little is known about the flows of internal migrants during the Yugoslav period, both how many people from other Republics moved to Macedonia, and how many people from Macedonia moved elsewhere in Yugoslavia. The latest census figures from Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia Herzegovina, and Slovenia suggest about 36,000 Macedonians live in those countries collectively—the highest number (about 26,000) in Serbia according to Serbia's 2002 census.
http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/macedonia-quiet-crossroads
After World War II, the search for employment, opposition to Yugoslav communism, and the devastating 1963 earthquake all prompted emigration. Relatively little migration to the United States took place, first because of the immigration restrictions imposed in the 1920s, and later because migrants from Yugoslavia were not, under Cold War conditions, welcomed in the United States. Canada and Australia, as well as some Western European countries, therefore became more attractive, and realistic, destinations. Emigrants to Canada and Australia, and their descendants, tend to be citizens of those countries (estimates suggest 92 percent of people of Macedonian origin in Australia are Australian citizens, for example). Those who migrated within Europe tend not to be citizens (only 4 percent of people of Macedonian origin in Switzerland are Swiss citizens). Differences in naturalization policy can partially explain these gaps. Little is known about these emigrants—or their total numbers—not least because destination countries used varied categorizations (Macedonians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Serbs, and Yugoslavs) over the decades of geopolitical changes in the Balkans.
To most ethnic Macedonians who headed to North America in the late-19th and early-20th centuries, the United States and Canada were apparently indistinguishable. They went where work was available or to the places where they already had family members or networks. Immigration regulations and employment opportunities alike made Canada more attractive than the United States. Migration of "Macedonians," primarily from Bulgaria and Macedonia to North America in the first two decades of the 20th century, is estimated to have been on the order of 50,000, primarily men. Toronto is home to the largest community in the Macedonian diaspora at between 80,000 and 150,000. In Canada, early-20th century immigration from broader Macedonia is characterized as mainly political, as it followed the unsuccessful 1903 Illinden uprising against the Ottoman Empire. Many Macedonian migrants found industrial work in Toronto (particularly in the metal industries), from which they progressed to ownership of restaurants, grocery stores, and butcher shops.
Macedonian immigration to Australia in the same period was mainly economic. The earliest immigrants, in the late-19th century, sought gold fortunes, with the intention of returning home.
Following World War II, Macedonians, among other Yugoslavs, migrated as guest workers to European countries, particularly to Switzerland and Germany. As states do not offer figures broken down by republic of origin within (former) Yugoslavia, it is impossible to say exactly how many Macedonians migrated. It is known that there are about 55,000 Macedonians in Germany (2005) and about 40,000 in Switzerland (2002) although their ethnicity and actual citizenship are not specified.
Similarly, little is known about the flows of internal migrants during the Yugoslav period, both how many people from other Republics moved to Macedonia, and how many people from Macedonia moved elsewhere in Yugoslavia. The latest census figures from Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia Herzegovina, and Slovenia suggest about 36,000 Macedonians live in those countries collectively—the highest number (about 26,000) in Serbia according to Serbia's 2002 census.
http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/macedonia-quiet-crossroads